China and North Korea: Strategic and Policy Perspectives by C. Freeman

By C. Freeman

At a time while chinese language coverage makers seem to be rethinking China's traditionally shut alliance courting with North Korea, this quantity gathers a various choice of unique essays through a few of China's best specialists on North Korea and China's North Korea coverage.

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Extra resources for China and North Korea: Strategic and Policy Perspectives from a Changing China

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At the same time, however, it should be emphasized that there is at the present in China an absence of informed and systematic strategic analysis on the 20 SHI YINHONG future of the peninsula. In other words, there is a lack of critical thinking about potential grand strategic ends related to peninsula issues. The expectation China has now about the future of the peninsula is ambiguous, undefined, and even fragmentary. Other than that the peninsula depends upon China as its primary economic partner, China confines its expectations to negatives: the peninsula must not threaten China’s security through internal disruption or chaos; it must not function as a strategic fortress for the US against China; and it must not damage China’s territorial and national integration by any irredentist or “PanKorean” aspirations, driven by some extreme nationalistic elements on the peninsula.

Since then up to now, the Chinese party and government has never in any official occasion publicly used Kim Jong-un’s name, an extraordinary practice unquestionably indicating China’s (and of course Xi Jinping’s) anger and disdain toward him. “Demanding denuclearization of North Korea is now demanding it change its constitution. . ” “Observers said the move was an outright rejection of several agreements to denuclearize the North has made with the international community, including the Sept. ” Quoted from “North Charter Proclaims Nuke Status,” JoongAng Ilbo, May 31, 2012.

This immediately inflamed a large part of the Chinese public opinion, turning it decidedly against North Korea. 17 It was well known that Kim Jong-il desired engagement with the United States, engagement on his own terms, and for some unfathomable realpolitik. His son, the new ruler, quickly seemed to prove the same, as exhibited by his early bilateral demarche with the Obama Administration to craft a trade-off agreement, announced on February 29, 2012. According to the agreement, North Korea would suspend nuclear weapons tests and uranium enrichment and allow international inspectors to monitor activities at its main nuclear complex, together with a moratorium on launchings of long-range missiles.

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